WHAT was deemed as a ‘negligible’ sea accident, the Recto Bank fiasco, which transpired in the West Philippine Sea within the country’s exclusive economic zone (EEZ), has turned out to be the wick that has forced Malacañang to adopt a tougher stance against the highhanded incursions of China inside Philippine territory.
At first the Palace wanted to embrace a cautious stance on the July 17, 2016 ruling the Permanent Court of Arbitration issued in favor of the country’s claims under the United Nations Convention for the Law of the Sea. As principal reasons for its deportment, it cited shift in policy and friendship as key factors.
The maritime incident triggered heated discussions in all platforms and compelled the foreign affairs office to file appropriate diplomatic protests with the Chinese embassy in Manila. But for the militant bloc, it was a window to again raise their voice of opposition and to skewer the Duterte administration for its supposedly unacceptable alliance with China.
Although the ramming of the fishing boat spelt bonanza for the affected fishermen, the position adopted by the Palace was one of reluctance. At times, the presidential mouthpiece had to play possum and cheekily defended the Chinese position on the matter.
But friendship is something that is fluid in the China agenda. Flexing military muscle and openly defying the arbitral ruling, Chinese presence in waters within the country’s EEZ has remained contentious, regardless of the kind of vessel, whether for re-search or friendly passage.
President Rodrigo Duterte, in response to public uproar in social media, has promised to bring up the ruling when he meets Chinese president Xi Jinping. Better still, ships ingoing Philippine territory must now get prior clearance before their entry.
On the side, the straw that agitated Defense Sec. Delfin Lorenzana to take a pointed repartee at China is the unusual proliferation of Chinese labor in Philippine gaming offshore operations (POGO) which the military has deemed as threats.
There are plain-view reasons to believe the defense chief has the evidence, among them the flocking of Chinese in local gambling meccas, fertile grounds for sharing in-formation and criminal activities; the unusual preference for work and residence sites close to military establishments; spike in enrollment in firing ranges; and the entry of Chinese labor comprised of young, well-built, and observably military trained.
Some quarters argue that the Chinese invasion is part of “tourism diplomacy.” But some minds in the defense and police departments think this development follows a pattern that the Japanese adopted in Davao prior to World War II.
